New Zealand’s 2026 election: International relationships, defence and regional security

For an eligible New Zealand voter living overseas and considering a return, international policy matters in several practical ways. It can affect New Zealand’s economic prospects, the cost and availability of imported goods, employment in export-oriented industries, relationships with Australia and Asia, and the country's security commitments.

For the 2026 New Zealand general election, I would compare parties across five questions:

1. United States and China: How should New Zealand balance its economic relationship with China against its security relationship with the United States?
2. Australia and the Pacific: How much priority should go to regional partnerships, Pacific development and climate security?
3. Defence spending: How much should New Zealand invest in its armed forces, and what capabilities should it prioritise?
4. International agreements: What roles should trade agreements, the United Nations and international law play in New Zealand's foreign policy?
5. Economic security: How should New Zealand protect its trade, supply chains and strategic infrastructure while maintaining international connections?

One important distinction: a party's established foreign-policy record is not necessarily the same as its commitments for the 2026 election. The comparisons below should be read with that distinction in mind.

1. How the major parties differ

The clearest distinctions are over how closely New Zealand should align with Western security partners, how much to spend on defence, and how prominently to use diplomacy, international law and Pacific development to advance New Zealand's interests.

Party	International relationships	Defence and regional security	Main question to examine
National	Emphasises international trade, established partnerships and security cooperation with like-minded countries.	Supports a more capable, combat-ready NZ Defence Force and closer defence integration with Australia.	How much defence investment and international security cooperation should New Zealand undertake?
Labour	Emphasises an independent foreign policy, balanced relationships with the US and China, international law and broader partnerships.	Stresses defence capabilities suited to New Zealand's needs, alongside diplomacy, peacebuilding and regional cooperation.	How can New Zealand maintain its independence while protecting its interests and contributing to regional security?
ACT	Emphasises Western partnerships, strategic realism and a more assertive contribution to collective security.	Has advocated defence spending of at least 2% of GDP and stronger military capabilities and interoperability with partners.	What level of defence spending and military integration is necessary for New Zealand to meet its security commitments?
New Zealand First	Emphasises national sovereignty, active diplomacy, trade interests and a strong New Zealand presence in the Pacific.	Has advocated increased defence spending, including a 2%-of-GDP target, and stronger border and maritime protection.	How should New Zealand balance national autonomy, regional influence and its defence commitments?
Green Party	Emphasises an independent, principled foreign policy, human rights, international law, climate action and peaceful conflict resolution.	Opposes joining AUKUS and stresses diplomacy, disarmament, conflict prevention and security that includes environmental resilience.	How much should New Zealand rely on military partnerships, compared with diplomacy and non-military approaches to security?
Te Pāti Māori	Its positions should be assessed through its current election policies, including its approach to Te Tiriti, Māori interests and international relationships.	Check its current commitments on defence spending, military alliances and Pacific security before drawing a firm comparison.	How should Māori sovereignty, Te Tiriti obligations and Pacific relationships shape foreign policy?

These are broad descriptions of the parties' policy orientations, not a claim that every point has been confirmed in a final 2026 manifesto. The sources available for National, Labour, ACT and the Greens include party statements and published policies; New Zealand First's available policy material includes its 2023 election platform. Check the parties' latest commitments before treating any specific spending target or proposal as a promise for the 2026 election. 【turn0search13】【turn0search2】【turn1search5】【turn0search6】【turn1search7】

2. The United States, China and New Zealand's independence

This is one of the most consequential foreign-policy choices for a small, trade-dependent country.

New Zealand has substantial economic interests in China and longstanding security and diplomatic relationships with Western countries. These relationships are not interchangeable: a policy that benefits security cooperation may create diplomatic friction elsewhere, while an approach intended to preserve trade can raise questions about strategic dependence.

National: strengthen partnerships and protect national interests

National's published foreign-affairs policy supports an independent foreign policy, greater international opportunities for New Zealand businesses, and stronger defence capabilities. It also emphasises relationships with traditional partners and cooperation with countries that share New Zealand's interests and values. 【turn0search13】

The distinction to explore is how National would balance its closer security cooperation with Western partners against the importance of maintaining productive economic relations with China.

Labour: a more explicitly independent and balanced approach

In a foreign-policy speech published on 23 September 2026, Labour set out a position of maintaining important relationships with both the US and China while making decisions independently in New Zealand's interests.

Labour also outlined plans to deepen relationships with the European Union, Canada and ASEAN countries, and to pursue additional market opportunities in Africa and South America. It said it would prioritise international law, diplomacy and multilateral cooperation. 【turn0search2】【turn0search3】

This approach places particular emphasis on avoiding excessive dependence on any one major power.

ACT: greater emphasis on strategic alignment and credible defence

ACT has argued that New Zealand needs to invest more in its own defence capabilities and contribute more substantially to its security partnerships. It has advocated defence spending of at least 2% of GDP and highlighted the importance of the US security role in the Indo-Pacific. 【turn1search4】【turn1search5】

The important question is how much strategic alignment New Zealand should accept in exchange for stronger defence cooperation and a greater contribution to collective security.

Green Party: greater distance from military blocs

The Greens advocate an independent foreign policy centred on peace, human rights, environmental protection and international justice. They have explicitly opposed New Zealand joining AUKUS, including its second pillar, which concerns advanced military technologies and capabilities. 【turn0search5】【turn0search7】

Their approach places greater emphasis on diplomacy and avoiding deeper involvement in military arrangements associated with strategic competition between major powers.

New Zealand First: sovereignty and national interests

New Zealand First's published policy material emphasises national sovereignty, international cooperation where it benefits New Zealand, trade and export opportunities, and a strong diplomatic presence in the Pacific. Its earlier foreign-policy statements also argue for greater defence investment and more active engagement with Pacific countries. 【turn1search7】【turn0search8】

For the 2026 election, it is worth checking how the party translates those principles into specific positions on the US, China and AUKUS.

A useful comparison: Ask each party what it would do if a major security partner requested New Zealand's support for a measure that could damage New Zealand's trade relationship with China. The answer may reveal more than a general statement about supporting an independent foreign policy.

3. Defence spending: how much should New Zealand invest?

Defence spending is one of the clearest areas of disagreement, although there is overlap between parties on the need to protect New Zealand and support its neighbours.

The current government's direction

In April 2025, the government announced a Defence Capability Plan committing $12 billion over four years, including $9 billion in new spending. The plan aims to increase defence spending from just over 1% of GDP to more than 2% within eight years.

Its priorities include:

• Modernising the Navy, Army and Air Force.
• Developing more effective combat and deterrence capabilities.
• Strengthening defence integration with Australia.
• Improving cyber capabilities, surveillance and the use of emerging technologies.

The plan has a 15-year horizon, with periodic reviews. These are government commitments rather than proposals that begin afresh with the 2026 election. New Zealand Ministry of Defence

How the parties approach the question

Party	Approach to defence	What to investigate
National	Implementing a substantial modernisation programme, with a target of spending more than 2% of GDP within eight years.	Which capabilities will be prioritised, and how will procurement be funded?
Labour	Emphasises matching defence investment to New Zealand's actual strategic needs, rather than treating spending as an end in itself.	Which capabilities would Labour retain, expand or change?
ACT	Has advocated spending at least 2% of GDP on defence and stronger interoperability with allies.	What additional spending would ACT support, and what other government spending might be affected?
New Zealand First	Its 2023 policy proposed progressively increasing real defence spending to 2% of GDP by 2030.	Does its 2026 policy retain that target, and what equipment and personnel would it prioritise?
Greens	Emphasises conflict prevention, peaceful resolution, disarmament and an independent foreign policy.	How would the party fund the practical military capabilities needed for maritime surveillance, disaster response and national defence?
Te Pāti Māori	A current, detailed defence spending commitment should be checked against its published 2026 policy before drawing conclusions.	What defence capabilities and international security arrangements does it support?

Sources: National's defence plan, Labour's foreign-policy position, ACT's defence position, New Zealand First's published policy and Green Party policy.

What does this mean for New Zealanders?

Defence spending has several implications beyond the military itself.

The fiscal trade-off: Additional defence expenditure must be funded through some combination of taxation, borrowing, reallocating existing expenditure or economic growth. The consequences depend on each party's wider fiscal policies.

Employment and skills: Defence procurement and technology programmes can support specialised employment, engineering, digital security, maintenance and training. However, the extent of any domestic employment benefit depends on what New Zealand buys, where equipment is manufactured and how much maintenance is performed locally.

Disaster response: Defence forces support civil authorities during emergencies and assist Pacific countries after cyclones and other disasters. Military capability can therefore serve both security and humanitarian purposes.

Long-term security: The practical question is not simply whether a party wants more or less spending. It is whether its proposed capabilities address the threats and responsibilities New Zealand is likely to face.

For someone comparing employment prospects in New Zealand, the domestic industrial and skills implications of defence investment may be worth investigating alongside the headline spending figures.

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4. AUKUS: a particularly important dividing line

AUKUS is a security partnership involving Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Its two pillars have different purposes:

• Pillar I concerns Australia's acquisition of conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines.
• Pillar II concerns cooperation on advanced capabilities and technologies, including cyber, artificial intelligence, undersea capabilities and other military technologies.

New Zealand is not a member of AUKUS. However, it has explored potential cooperation under Pillar II. A Ministry of Defence briefing published in September 2025 documents the government's consideration of possible participation. Ministry of Defence: AUKUS Pillar II

The political debate is therefore not simply about whether New Zealand should acquire nuclear-powered submarines. It is also about whether it should participate in the partnership's advanced-technology work.

Where the differences lie

• National and ACT: Their emphasis on defence modernisation and closer security cooperation makes the scope of potential collaboration with partners an important issue to examine. Do not assume that this automatically means support for every part of AUKUS.
• Labour: Its stated position is to maintain an independent foreign policy, assess decisions against New Zealand's interests and avoid unnecessary escalation between major powers. Labour's September 2026 foreign-policy speech also emphasised scrutiny of decisions to enter armed conflicts.
• Greens: The party has explicitly opposed joining any part of the AUKUS framework, including Pillar II.
• New Zealand First: Its established positions emphasise sovereignty, regional diplomacy and defence investment. Its current position on potential AUKUS participation should be verified against its 2026 commitments.
• Te Pāti Māori: Consult its current policy for a specific position on AUKUS and defence alignment rather than inferring one from its broader political principles.

The New Zealand government's AUKUS briefing and the Greens' statement on independent foreign policy provide useful starting points.

Questions worth asking

1. Would participation improve New Zealand's access to intelligence, technology or military capabilities?
2. Could participation make New Zealand more exposed to strategic competition between the US and China?
3. What would participation cost, and would the benefits justify the expenditure?
4. Could New Zealand maintain meaningful security cooperation with Australia without joining AUKUS?
5. What safeguards would protect New Zealand's independent decision-making and nuclear-free policy?

These are questions about trade-offs, not just party labels. Different voters may reasonably place different weights on military interoperability, diplomatic independence and fiscal cost.

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5. Australia and the Pacific: the region closest to home

For New Zealand, regional security is not confined to the possibility of military conflict.

It includes maritime security, illegal fishing, organised crime, cyber threats, disaster response, climate change, economic resilience and the ability of Pacific countries to make independent decisions about their futures.

Australia is especially important. The two countries have a longstanding defence relationship, and Australia is New Zealand's only formal defence ally. Their governments also cooperate on foreign policy, trade and international issues. New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade

National and ACT: stronger security capabilities

The government's defence plan emphasises greater integration between the New Zealand and Australian armed forces.

The intended direction is a more closely coordinated ANZAC force, with New Zealand contributing capabilities that can operate effectively alongside Australia and other partners.

ACT has argued that New Zealand needs to invest more in defence to make a credible contribution to collective security. This raises a practical question: how much additional spending is required for New Zealand to meet its own needs while also supporting its closest ally?

Labour: regional autonomy, diplomacy and development

Labour's September 2026 foreign-policy statement places the Pacific at the centre of its international outlook.

Its stated proposals include:

• Supporting Pacific countries' autonomy amid competition between major powers.
• Working towards closer economic integration across the Pacific.
• Developing a regional agreement on climate mitigation, adaptation and displacement.
• Working with Kiribati and Tuvalu on long-term climate adaptation and resettlement.
• Progressively increasing overseas development assistance towards 0.7% of gross national income, as fiscal conditions allow.

These are proposals stated by Labour, not measures already implemented. Labour's foreign-policy statement

New Zealand First: a more active Pacific presence

New Zealand First's Pacific Reset policy argues that the Pacific is integral to New Zealand's own economic and security interests.

Its established position emphasises diplomatic engagement, defence investment and support for Pacific countries in response to strategic competition. Its 2023 policy material also proposed increasing defence spending and improving border protection.

For the 2026 election, it is worth checking how much of this earlier agenda the party intends to retain and how it proposes to fund it. New Zealand First: The Pacific Reset

Greens: climate security and peaceful cooperation

The Greens' foreign-policy approach gives considerable importance to climate action, international justice, peaceful conflict resolution and independent diplomacy.

This reflects a broader understanding of security: climate-related disasters, environmental degradation and economic instability can undermine the wellbeing and resilience of Pacific communities, even in the absence of military conflict. Green Party global affairs policy

What about Te Pāti Māori?

Te Pāti Māori's current election programme should be consulted directly for its specific proposals on Pacific diplomacy, defence and international relationships. I have not established a sufficiently detailed, current defence-policy platform to attribute precise commitments to the party here.

A useful comparison: Does a party prioritise military deterrence, development assistance, climate resilience, regional diplomacy or a combination of these? How much funding does it propose for each, and what outcomes does it expect?

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6. Trade, international law and economic security

Foreign policy also affects New Zealand's economic outlook.

For someone considering returning from overseas, this is particularly relevant because the health of export industries, international investment, tourism and trade relationships can influence employment opportunities.

Three areas deserve attention.

A. Diversifying trade relationships

Labour has explicitly proposed strengthening ties with the EU, Canada and ASEAN countries and developing opportunities in Africa and South America.

National's published foreign-affairs policy also emphasises expanding international opportunities for New Zealand businesses.

New Zealand First has historically stressed free trade agreements, export promotion and the resourcing of foreign affairs.

The important distinction is between maintaining existing trade relationships and actively reducing dependence on a narrow range of markets. Ask each party what new agreements or market opportunities it would pursue and which industries it expects to benefit.

Sources: Labour's foreign-policy programme, National's foreign-affairs policy and New Zealand First's policy platform.

B. International law and human rights

Parties also differ in how they propose to respond when international partners breach rules or engage in conduct New Zealand opposes.

Labour's September 2026 statement commits to recognising Palestine, imposing economic sanctions on Israel and supporting South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice concerning the Genocide Convention.

The Greens emphasise human rights, international justice and a rules-based international system.

National's published policy also identifies human rights, democracy, freedom and security as elements of its foreign-policy approach.

The differences are therefore not necessarily over whether human rights matter, but over when New Zealand should take specific actions, which instruments it should use and how it should balance those actions against other interests. Labour, Greens, National

C. Energy, supply chains and resilience

International instability can affect fuel prices, shipping costs, access to technology and the prices New Zealand households pay for imported goods.

The parties' approaches to energy security, infrastructure, domestic production and international trade can therefore have consequences for both household finances and employment.

When assessing these policies, consider:

• Whether a party would diversify essential imports and export markets.
• How it would respond to trade restrictions or supply-chain disruptions.
• Whether proposed defence and technology investments would develop domestic skills and businesses.
• How it would balance economic openness with the protection of strategically important infrastructure.

These questions connect foreign policy directly to New Zealand's economic resilience.

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7. How to weigh international policy against jobs and housing

Since you are considering returning to New Zealand, it may help to assess foreign policy alongside your other priorities rather than treating it as a separate issue.

Your concern	International-policy connection	What to compare between parties
Employment	Export markets, foreign investment, tourism, technology and defence procurement.	Which industries each party expects to grow, and whether its policies support your occupation.
Housing costs	Imported building materials, energy costs, construction capacity and economic conditions.	How the party's wider economic programme might affect housing supply, building costs and household incomes.
Cost of living	Fuel prices, shipping disruptions, import costs and international trade.	How it proposes to improve economic resilience and respond to external price shocks.
Long-term security	Defence capabilities, Australia relations, Pacific stability and international partnerships.	Proposed spending, military capabilities, alliances and diplomatic commitments.
International outlook	Relationships with the US, China, Australia, the Pacific and other markets.	How it would balance economic interests, national independence and security cooperation.

One caution: foreign policy rarely determines housing costs or employment on its own. Domestic planning rules, interest rates, infrastructure, taxation, labour-market conditions and housing policy can be more direct influences. The effect of international policy depends on your circumstances and the industry in which you work.

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8. A practical way to compare parties before voting

Rather than relying solely on party descriptions, look for concrete commitments in the final election programmes.

I would use these six questions as a checklist:

1. Defence: What is the party's proposed defence spending target, and over what timeframe?
2. Alliances: Does it support, oppose or remain undecided on participation in AUKUS Pillar II?
3. China and the US: How would it manage disagreements with either country while protecting New Zealand's interests?
4. Pacific: What funding and practical commitments does it propose for Pacific security, development and climate resilience?
5. Trade: Which new markets or international agreements would it prioritise, and how might these affect New Zealand industries?
6. Accountability: What parliamentary oversight would apply to military deployments, international agreements and major defence spending decisions?

You can start with the parties' official websites:

• National Party — election policies
• Labour Party — foreign-policy statements
• ACT New Zealand
• New Zealand First
• Green Party — 2026 manifesto
• Te Pāti Māori

For defence matters, the Ministry of Defence provides useful background against which to assess party proposals.

One final consideration: voting from overseas

If you are eligible to vote from overseas, you do not need to wait until you return to New Zealand to participate. You should check the Electoral Commission's current rules on overseas voting, enrolment and deadlines.

The official starting point is Vote NZ — overseas voters.

Given that you are also weighing employment and housing, I would compare each party's international policy with its domestic economic programme before making your decision. A party's approach to defence and diplomacy is important, but so is whether its overall programme addresses the practical conditions you would face after returning.

The central choice is how you think New Zealand should secure its future: through stronger military capabilities and closer security partnerships, through a more independent approach emphasising diplomacy and international law, through a stronger focus on sovereignty and regional engagement, or through some combination of these approaches.

The parties differ in how they balance those priorities. Their detailed 2026 commitments, rather than their broad labels alone, are the most useful basis for comparing them.